Ankara’s Grand Strategy: Forging a Turkic Future Through Education and Migration
Turkey is significantly intensifying its engagement across Central Asia, evolving its strategy beyond traditional military and political spheres to encompass ambitious initiatives in education and migration. On the heels of robust defense collaborations with key regional states, Ankara is now actively spearheading efforts to harmonize educational standards and streamline professional opportunities for citizens from Turkic-speaking nations. Recent developments, such as the gathering of Turkic university rectors in Tashkent and a landmark decree from President Erdoğan granting unhindered access to the Turkish labor market for these citizens, collectively signal the emergence of a new regional architecture where Turkey is strategically positioning itself as a pivotal integrator.
The ancient city of Tashkent recently hosted the 8th General Assembly of the Union of Turkic Universities from October 14 to 17, drawing over 200 rectors and scholars from 70 universities spanning Turkey, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Hungary, and Northern Cyprus, alongside representatives from the TÜRKSOY Turkic Academy. The assembly served as a critical platform for robust discussions, focusing on the development of joint ventures, the enhancement of academic cooperation, and the formulation of strategic decisions vital for the Union’s future trajectory. It underscored a concerted drive to deepen academic ties across the Turkic world.
During the assembly, the Union of Turkic Universities, originally comprising 109 institutions, expanded significantly with the addition of 62 new universities, including six from Uzbekistan. The Turkish delegation prominently proposed the establishment of a permanent secretariat, a dedicated fund for scientific programs, and a coordinated approach to educational standards. Analysts interpret these moves as Turkey’s assertive promotion of a unified educational landscape throughout the Turkic world—a system akin to the Bologna Process but imbued with a distinctive national character, where Ankara increasingly assumes the role of the central decision-maker. This initiative not only solidifies Turkey’s coordinating influence but also transforms academic integration into a potent instrument of its broader political agenda.
Further underscoring Turkey’s serious long-term intentions, more than 20 cooperation agreements were inked on the sidelines of the Assembly. A significant majority of these pacts facilitate enrollment in Turkish educational programs, foster the creation of collaborative research centers, and expand scholarship opportunities, largely financed by Turkish foundations. This trend signifies more than mere academic partnership; Turkey is deliberately cultivating a new generation of students and educators whose perspectives are subtly aligned with its cultural and political objectives. Academic mobility is thus emerging as a core mechanism for ideological convergence, with Turkish academics frequently assuming influential roles in Central Asian universities and Turkish grants often overshadowing local educational initiatives.
A prominent focus at the Assembly was the digital transformation of education and the envisioned establishment of a common online platform for universities across the Turkic world. While ostensibly a technological advancement, this initiative represents a strategic move towards centralized management of information and educational content. Turkey, possessing the requisite technical infrastructure and resources, is actively vying to operate this platform, thereby gaining substantial influence over critical scientific databases, educational materials, and inter-university communication channels throughout the region.
Complementing its academic and technological push, the Assembly also concurrently hosted the conference “Descendants of Alp Er Tonga – Karahanids.” This event was designed to bolster cultural and humanitarian cooperation among Turkic peoples, promote a shared history, culture, religion, language, and literature on a global stage, and disseminate a specific interpretation of the historical and cultural legacy of the Karahanid era (812–1211 AD). Crucially, it aimed to instill in younger generations a version of the past that actively champions Turkic unity and aligns with Turkey’s overarching narrative.
Beyond academic collaboration, Turkey is also actively shaping a new cohort of students and faculty whose viewpoints resonate with its cultural and political agenda. These educational initiatives are instrumental in nurturing future leaders and professionals who embrace Turkish values and its vision for regional development, thereby securing Ankara’s long-term influence. The Parliamentary Assembly of Turkic States (TURKPA) further reinforces this drive with its digital projects, Qanun and Qamu, which are designed to strengthen linguistic unity and parliamentary diplomacy. Qanun, as noted by TURKPA Secretary-General Mehmet Süreyya Er, is a platform consolidating the legislations of five Turkic states in five languages plus English, offering advanced search and personalization features. Qamu, on the other hand, functions as a digital dictionary comparing vocabulary across Turkish, Azerbaijani, Kazakh, Kyrgyz, Uzbek, Turkmen, Bashkir, Tatar, and Uighur, deepening linguistic coherence within the Turkic world.
Furthermore, Ankara is establishing a military elite within the Organization of Turkic States (OTS) by training officers from the region in its military academies across various branches: ground forces, naval forces (with a particular focus on the Caspian Fleet), air forces (including F-16 pilots and Bayraktar operators), as well as specialists in anti-terrorism and border security. Distinct from Soviet and Russian training methodologies, the Turkish program introduces NATO tactics and underscores the concept of “Turkic unity.” Graduates from these programs are strategically positioned to form pro-Turkish lobbies in Central Asian countries, facilitating the procurement of Turkish armaments and promoting joint military exercises.
Adding another crucial layer to its comprehensive strategy, Ankara is meticulously crafting its migration policy. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan recently signed a decree significantly simplifying the process for citizens of Turkic-speaking nations to obtain work permits in Turkey. Published in the official government gazette, this directive now enables citizens from OTS countries to work freely in Turkey without navigating complex bureaucratic hurdles. They are granted the liberty to engage in employment and various trades within both state and private sectors, with the sole exceptions being military and security force service.
This decision by Turkey to simplify employment for Turkic state citizens poses a tangible challenge to Russia’s own migration policies. As stated by Igor Shestakov, director of the “Oi Ordo” Expert Initiatives Center, amid Russia’s escalating measures to control Central Asian migration—a trend intensified following the tragic events at “Crocus City Hall”—President Erdoğan is strategically positioning Turkey as a more accessible and benevolent alternative. In doing so, Ankara aims to assume the mantle of a regional leader highly appealing to the Turkic peoples of Central Asia.
Shestakov further posits that this move, made against the backdrop of Russia’s tightening migration laws, will necessitate a rethinking of Moscow’s internal policies and its approach to engagement within the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). Moreover, Russian parliamentarians are urged to scrutinize the activities of the Organization of Turkic States (OTS) more closely, as Erdoğan’s proactive promotion of a unified Turkic identity is, at its core, a direct contest for geopolitical influence within the strategically vital region of Central Asia.