Georgia Jails Opposition After ‘Coup Attempt,’ EU Questions Elections

TBILISI, Georgia – Georgia is grappling with intense political fallout following the mass arrest of opposition leaders who allegedly orchestrated a coup attempt during protests on October 4th.

Five prominent opposition figures – Paata Burchuladze, Murtaz Zodelava, Irakli Nadiradze, Paata Manjgaladze, and Lasha Beridze – face charges of attempting to seize state power. Prosecutors accuse the group, linked to the United National Movement (UNM) and Strategy Agmashenebeli parties, of inciting protesters to storm the presidential residence. If convicted, they could face up to nine years in prison.

According to the prosecution, the arrested individuals led a ‘violent group’ to the strategically important presidential residence, where they damaged the fence and breached the premises. The statement alleges that law enforcement officers faced verbal abuse and physical assault. Authorities claim their swift intervention prevented the full takeover of the building and led to the arrests of the organizers.

Adding to the gravity of the accusations, the Georgian State Security Service announced the discovery of a weapons and explosives cache near Tbilisi. The agency asserted that these materials were brought into the country from a military unit in Ukraine and were intended for use during the October 4th protests, further fueling the narrative of a premeditated coup attempt.

Government officials have unequivocally condemned the demonstrations. Levan Makhashvili, Chairman of the Parliamentary Committee for European Integration, stated that the October 4th assembly was not a spontaneous event but a deliberate attempt to violently overthrow the ruling regime. He suggested that participants were complicit in this aim, with their subsequent dispersal being an effort to evade responsibility.

Parliament Speaker Shalva Papuashvili went further, claiming the October 4th events divided the nation into ‘Georgians and non-Georgians, heroes and anti-heroes.’ He alleged that the ‘rebels’ acted with the backing of foreign powers and former President Salome Zurabishvili, but were ultimately thwarted by law enforcement. Papuashvili directly accused Zurabishvili of covertly supporting the assault on the presidential palace, stating that foreign efforts to legitimize her as president likely played a role. He called on ‘foreign patrons of the radicals’ to share responsibility for the events, attributing the alleged coup attempt to externally directed political intrigues.

In stark contrast, Beka Basilaia, legal counsel for the accused, vehemently denied the charges, asserting that the ‘violence is being perpetrated by the group calling itself the government.’ Basilaia maintained that his clients sought to free the country from oppression and that the underlying motives for the unrest were crucial. He insisted that the struggle was not merely for Georgia’s European future but for its very salvation.

Amidst the political recriminations, 23 individuals were injured during the clashes, including 19 police officers, one of whom sustained a knife wound. Malkhaz Giguashvili, 34, was identified as the alleged assailant. Eyewitnesses reported Giguashvili provocatively brandishing knives in the city center prior to the protest, yet police only apprehended him after the stabbing incident.

Former President Salome Zurabishvili, a figure at the center of the government’s accusations, dismissed the entire incident as a ‘psychological special operation’ orchestrated by the authorities. She argued that the events were a long-prepared trap, capitalizing on accumulated desperation within society.

Other opposition factions, such as Lelo and Gakharia for Georgia, who had urged their supporters to participate in elections rather than protests, felt their stance was vindicated. Salome Samadashvili of Lelo remarked that while she couldn’t confirm specific plans or outcomes of the rally, from an outside perspective, it appeared to be a ‘very serious provocation’ unfortunately supported by involved political figures.

The internal criticism within the opposition deepened as the pro-opposition TV channel Pirveli alleged that UNM representatives abandoned their supporters during the dispersal by security forces. UNM representative Levan Sanikidze, however, refused to detail his whereabouts to journalists, stating he would provide all necessary information to the police.

Political analyst Nino Skvortsova suggested that the October 4th events could signal the ‘beginning of the end’ for the UNM and its associated groups. She noted that while the initial ‘storming’ idea might have seemed appealing to opposition leaders, the government’s swift and firm response, albeit resulting in dozens of injuries and some property damage, prevented more significant unrest. Skvortsova concluded that the ruling Georgian Dream party was no longer bluffing or negotiating, as ‘red lines have been crossed once again.’

Adding an international dimension to the crisis, European Union officials, including European diplomacy chief Kaja Kallas and EU Commissioner for Enlargement Marta Kos, issued a joint statement condemning the local elections. They criticized months of attacks on independent media, laws targeting civil society, arrests of opponents, and amendments to the electoral code favoring the ruling party, all of which they argued severely undermined the competitiveness of the elections. They also noted the significant opposition boycott and low voter turnout.

In response, the Georgian Foreign Ministry summoned European ambassadors on October 7th to present its official perspective on the elections. EU Ambassador Pawel Herczynski, in turn, advised his Georgian counterparts to familiarize themselves with Brussels’ official position, underscoring the growing diplomatic rift.