Kyrgyzstan Tightens Grip with Political Bans and Internet Monopoly

Kyrgyzstan is on the verge of significant political change as President Sadyr Japarov signed decrees that clamp down on both the political landscape and the digital sphere. New legislation now bars individuals with criminal records from participating in elections, while a state monopoly on the internet has been introduced. These moves are officially aimed at preventing criminal elements from entering politics and stopping the use of information resources for destabilization, but they have sparked a heated debate about the future of the country’s governance and civil liberties.

Starting August 6, a new law will dramatically expand the list of individuals prohibited from holding public office. Any citizen with a criminal record, whether it is active, spent, or expunged, will be barred from running for president or parliament, or holding top positions in the government, Central Election Commission, National Bank, and a host of other state bodies. This also includes individuals whose criminal cases were closed on non-rehabilitating grounds.

The initiative was spearheaded by Kamchybek Tashiev, the powerful head of the State Committee for National Security (GKNB). The stated goal is to bolster public trust in state institutions by ensuring key officials have an impeccable reputation. In a striking twist of irony, both President Japarov and Tashiev himself have prior convictions, raising questions about the law’s application and intent. The law also uniquely imposes a five-year ban on religious leaders holding political office after they cease their religious activities.

President Japarov’s own return to politics was dramatic. He was freed from prison on October 6, 2020, amidst mass protests over parliamentary election results. By October 15, following the resignation of President Sooronbay Jeenbekov, Japarov was acting head of state. He solidified his position with a landslide victory in the snap presidential election on January 10, 2021, paving the way for his stated goal of strengthening presidential power.

A subsequent constitutional referendum has established a strong presidential system and allows Japarov to run for a second term in 2027. However, experts point to an unprecedented phenomenon in Kyrgyz politics: a de facto power tandem between Japarov and security chief Tashiev, a structure that exists outside the constitution. With the new law in place, it remains unclear who will ultimately be eligible to lead the country, despite Tashiev’s public statements that he has no presidential ambitions.

Equally impactful is the new state monopoly on the internet. A presidential decree will grant the state exclusive control over international internet traffic from August 15, 2025, to August 14, 2026. This follows recent amendments that introduced fines for spreading “unreliable or false information.” The recently nationalized company ElKat has been designated the sole supplier, and all private operators must transfer their contracts to it. The Ministry of Digital Development claims the monopoly will stimulate the industry and stabilize prices for consumers.

The nationalization of ElKat is part of a broader trend that began with the high-profile state takeover of the Kumtor gold mine from the Canadian company Centerra Gold, an event Japarov hailed as “historic.” According to the presidential administration, ElKat, a major internet provider with assets estimated at $65-70 million, was previously controlled for 17 years by Maxim Bakiyev, the son of ousted former President Kurmanbek Bakiyev, and has now been returned to state ownership.

Supporters of the government, including political analyst Bakyt Baketaev, argue that these reforms are fundamentally changing the state. They contend that assets illegally acquired by oligarchs and corrupt officials are being returned to work for the national economy, with profits and taxes flowing into the state budget. “Sadyr Japarov and Kamchybek Tashiev are building a new country,” Baketaev notes, emphasizing that this new political-economic formation enjoys public support.

However, critics offer a more skeptical view. Alexander Kobrinsky, Director of the Agency for Ethno-National Strategies, suggests the internet monopoly is a preemptive measure to control information and prevent mass unrest. He points to the aggressive anti-corruption campaign, which could provoke backlash from powerful clans being pushed out of power. “The situation is paradoxical: these actions are happening under the banner of Kamchybek Tashiev, but the ousted clans could provoke unrest at both local and national levels,” Kobrinsky stated. The one-year term for the internet monopoly also raises suspicions, with some experts suggesting it could be a trial period before the sector is privatized and handed to figures close to the current leadership.

Adding another layer of intrigue to the rapidly evolving situation, Tajik President Emomali Rahmon made an unannounced visit to Kyrgyzstan on July 29, meeting with Japarov at his residence on Lake Issyk-Kul. While the official reason given was border demarcation, the urgent and unscheduled nature of the visit suggests that more significant regional concerns may have been on the agenda.